Sunday, January 25, 2015

Why What Christians Call Christian Marriage is Truly Not True Christian Marriage

When Christians work through the state apparatus to establish laws that enforce marriage as a legalized civil union between a man and a woman, what is most provocative is that Christians only destroy the sacrality of marriage as rooted in ecclesial allegiance.

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Among the various issues of social ethics that pervade and hold captive the church’s imaginative and contemplative theo-political activities, few issues have given the church so much grief as the issue of homosexuality.  Despite the fact that the majority of God’s Word is concerned with economic justice, and despite the fact that very little attention in God’s Word is given to homosexuality, which is but one manifestation of sexual immorality, the church seems to have magnified what is Scripturally a relatively small issue into an issue of grandiose dimensions whose effects threaten to destabilize the fabric of society.  Though the reasons for the church’s concern with this issue would certainly prove an interesting history to tell, what is of greater concern is what the overemphasis on homosexuality, especially in relation to marriage, reveals about the church’s relationship with the state, and its ignorance in relation to the true nature of Christian marriage.

Now, when I say “ignorance,” I do not use it in the same manner as social liberals, as a pejorative term meant to criticize social conservatives for “burying their heads in the sand.”  Much to the contrary, when I say “ignorance,” I mean to accuse specifically the church of not having a proper understanding of what marriage actually is.  Even more, I mean to accuse the church of not understanding homosexuality and the extent to which the Kingdom of God should be the political entity to which Christian loyalty is conformed.

The fact and manner by which the church preoccupies itself with homosexual behavior indicates that the church has an inaccurate understanding of what homosexuality represents as sin.  Contrary to the practice of many Christians today, the Apostle Paul, when he spoke of homosexual behavior, did not do so, on the one hand, to teach social conduct, or, on the other hand, to offer judgment.  Rather, Paul intended to offer a diagnosis.  As Paul wrote in his letter to the Romans:
Therefore God gave them over in the sinful desires of their hearts to sexual impurity for the degrading of their bodies with one another.  They exchanged the truth about God for a lie, and worshiped and served created things rather than the Creator—who is forever praised.  Amen.
Because of this, God gave them over to shameful lusts.  Even their women exchanged natural sexual relations for unnatural ones.  In the same way the men also abandoned natural relations with women and were inflamed with lust for one another.  Men committed shameful acts with other men, and received in themselves the due penalty for their error.

Furthermore, just as they did not think it worthwhile to retain the knowledge of God, so God gave them over to a depraved mind, so that they do what ought not to be done (Romans 1:24-28).

According to Richard B. Hays, Paul here offers a “diagnosis of the disordered human condition:  he adduces the fact of widespread homosexual behavior as evidence that human beings are indeed in rebellion against their Creator.”[1]  In this scenario, homosexuality is not that which provokes the wrath of God; rather, such behavior is a consequence of idolatry.  God “gives over” to their unnatural desires those who refuse to believe the Truth.  Homosexuality, then, does not constitute the fundamental sin of human rebellion.  To the contrary, as Hays indicates, “The fundamental human sin is the refusal to honor God and give God thanks.”[2]  Homosexuality is not in any way a degrading disease that afflicts “society,” but it is instead a symptom of a much more deeply rooted and fundamental condition of human brokenness. 

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Hay’s exposition of homosexuality must stir in us an important question:  If God gives people over to unnatural desire—homosexual desire being one among many such desires—does it seem likely that a ban on same-sex marriage would stop God giving over to homosexual desire those who “exchanged the truth about God for a lie, and worshiped and served created things rather than the Creator?”  I think the answer must be:  No.

To think that coercive laws of the state, which can only affect the body, could ever change the heart is a mistaken assumption.  Though the intent behind the drive to enforce “biblical” marriage via the governing apparatus is doubtless a result of a desire for the good, such a desire is ultimately a disordered pursuit of the good. 

The desire to uphold "biblical" marriage—which may be put more accurately in this context as a civil contract legally binding the assets of a heterosexual pair enforceable as the sole prerogative of the state’s courts—represents a disordered desire on behalf of Christians for several reasons.

Firstly, by using the government as the chief apparatus for determining and defining marriage, marriage automatically ceases to be a sacrament of Christian worship and it instead becomes a sacrament of the state.  That the church has yielded the authority to define marriage to the state is indication that the church has already lost the “battle” for marriage. 

Secondly, that the church wishes to enforce marriage as a legal contract between a man and a woman, having to do with the unification of monetary and proprietary assets, is indication that the church does not know what marriage actually is meant to represent.  If marriage is only this sort of legal contract, then why not allow a pair of men, or a pair women, to partake in this sort of contract?  People can legally have sex outside of marriage (that fact we cannot deny), but God forbid that a same-sex couple have the same legal benefits afforded to a married heterosexual couple!  Imagine, for a moment, two women who might wish to be married.  Suppose also that these women have not and do not intend to engage in homosexual acts.  These two women only desire to have the benefits that come with marriage—i.e. shared finances, hospital visits, etc.  Why should these two not be married?  Marriage as defined by the state has nothing to do with sexual behavior, and yet the church mistakenly thinks that enforcing heterosexual marriage will enforce heterosexual sex.

Thirdly, while the church places an inordinate amount of attention on same-sex marriage, it neglects to deal with issues of infidelity between heterosexual couples, with pornography, with sex out of wedlock, with male promiscuity in relation to teen pregnancy, etc.  Let us consider with a hint of self-criticism the following question:  What does more to unhinge the stability of society, faithful gay couples who raise adopted children or unfaithful straight couples who cast their biological children to a roller-coaster ride of domestic disharmony?  If we want to preserve the sanctity of marriage, we need to first deal with the plank of rampant divorce in the church's eye before we turn to the world to remove the spec of same-sex marriage in its eye.

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In relation to the above three problems with the way Christians go about lobbying against homosexual marriage, there are a number ways that the church can begin setting itself aright.

In relation to the first, the church needs to stop viewing marriage through the lens of state authority.  The church needs to return to an ecclesial model of formative allegiance whereby our affections and our loyalty belong solely to Christ who is King of Kings and Lord of Lords.  Marriage must be reasserted as a sacrament of Christian worship, on par with the sacraments of baptism and communion.  This means that the church must reclaim marriage for its own.  It further means that the church must stop viewing itself as the “conscience” of the state; for the church is rather its own polis with its own mission and God-ordained political role to play in the world.  In the words of Stanley Hauerwas:  “What it means to be the church is to be a group of people called out of the world, and back into the world, to embody the hope of the Kingdom of God.”[3]  Using the state to enforce heterosexual marriage is like using the state to enforce baptism as only constituted as full immersion or like using the state to regulate communion—in short it is a farcicality.

In relation to the second, the church needs to remember the proper signification of the holy sacrament of marriage.  Whether you are Catholic, Protestant, or Orthodox, you will doubtless resonate with the Catholic Church’s teaching regarding marriage:  That marriage is an expression of Christ’s unconditional and unbreakable relationship with His church.[4]  As the Apostle Paul directs:
Wives, submit yourselves to your own husbands as you do to the Lord.  For the husband is the head of the wife as Christ is the head of the church, his body, of which he is the Savior.  Now as the church submits to Christ, so also wives should submit to their husbands in everything.
Husbands, love your wives, just as Christ loved the church and gave himself up for her to make her holy, cleansing her by the washing with water through the word, and to present her to himself as a radiant church, without stain or wrinkle or any other blemish, but holy and blameless.  In this same way, husbands ought to love their wives as their own bodies.   He who loves his wife loves himself.  After all, no one ever hated their own body, but they feed and care for their body, just as Christ does the church—for we are members of his body.  “For this reason a man will leave his father and mother and be united to his wife, and the two will become one flesh.”  This is a profound mystery—but I am talking about Christ and the church.  However, each one of you also must love his wife as he loves himself, and the wife must respect her husband (Ephesians 5:22-33).

Marriage, thus, is a “divine mystery” whereby a man and a woman “become one flesh,” and this mystery is correlative with Christ’s uniting with his church.  

From this model we can glean a number of important components that are to comprise marriage:  1) Marriage is to be monogamous.  Just as the church has only one Christ, so does Christ have only one church.  In the same manner, so does a woman join herself to only one man, and so does a man join himself to only one woman.  2) Marriage is to be between a man and a woman.  The church is not Christ, nor is Christ the church, and yet both are unified.  In the same manner, the woman is not the man, nor is the man the woman, yet both become one.  This mystery of becoming “one flesh” where there were two cannot be properly signified through same-sex marriage, for as Paul states, in reference to Genesis 2:24:  “‘For this reason a man will leave his father and mother and be united to his wife, and the two will become one flesh.’”  3) Marriage as “divine mystery” cannot be upheld by the law, at least not by the law in our modern age.  Let us ask ourselves:  Is a “divine mystery” legally definable?
 
There are, of course, other elements of Christian marriage that we must also consider:  4) Marriage is undertaken, not for the purpose of having biological children; rather it is undertaken to prevent the husband and wife from succumbing to sexual immorality by engaging in sex outside of love for, and thanksgiving to, God.  Paul commands in 1 Corinthians 7 that married men and women should not deprive each other of sex, but to the contrary, the man and the woman should yield their own bodies to the other so as to give Satan no opportunity to make them stumble.  Marriage, in the context of the church, is the making sacred of a natural desire, it is that which takes lustful bodily desire and turns this desire into a sacramental relationship reflective of the unbounded and vulnerable love between Christ and the church.  5) Marriage is not to be regarded as a covenant whereby human happiness and flourishing is made complete; the opposite is very much true.  Paul notes in 1 Corinthians 7:32-35:
I would like you to be free from concern.  An unmarried man is concerned about the Lord’s affairs—how he can please the Lord.  But a married man is concerned about the affairs of this world—how he can please his wife—and his interests are divided.  An unmarried woman or virgin is concerned about the Lord’s affairs:  Her aim is to be devoted to the Lord in both body and spirit.  But a married woman is concerned about the affairs of this world—how she can please her husband.  I am saying this for your own good, not to restrict you, but that you may live in a right way in undivided devotion to the Lord.
But, as Paul further notes in verses 36-38:
If anyone is worried that he might not be acting honorably toward the virgin he is engaged to, and if his passions are too strong and he feels he ought to marry, he should do as he wants.  He is not sinning.  They should get married.  But the man who has settled the matter in his own mind, who is under no compulsion but has control over his own will, and who has made up his mind not to marry the virgin—this man also does the right thing.  So then, he who marries the virgin does right, but he who does not marry her does better.
In light of Paul’s words, it is not marriage that is the ultimate good in a life dedicated to service to God.  Singleness is the superior to marriage, for if one is single, one is always ready to serve the Lord.  Meanwhile, those who are married are limited in their ability to serve God.  Of course, marriage is not bad; Paul is not condemning marriage.  Nevertheless, even though marriage is good, singleness is best.  A proper understanding of Christian marriage cannot be had without this understanding that marriage is not to be treated as an expectation of all Christians.  As Hauerwas notes:  “If everybody has to marry, then marriage is a terrible burden.  But the church does not believe that everybody has to marry.”[5]  It has been the tradition of the church, rather, to uphold the sanctity of both marriage and virginity.  As it states in the Catholic Catechism:
Christ is the center of all Christian life.  The bond with him takes precedence over all other bonds, familial or social.  From the very beginning of the Church there have been men and women who have renounced the great good of marriage to follow the Lamb wherever he goes, to be intent on the things of the Lord, to seek to please him, and to go out to meet the Bridegroom who is coming.  Christ himself has invited certain persons to follow him in this way of life, of which he remains the model:
"For there are eunuchs who have been so from birth, and there are eunuchs who have been made eunuchs by men, and there are eunuchs who have made themselves eunuchs for the sake of the kingdom of heaven.  He who is able to receive this, let him receive it."

Virginity for the sake of the kingdom of heaven is an unfolding of baptismal grace, a powerful sign of the supremacy of the bond with Christ and of the ardent expectation of his return, a sign which also recalls that marriage is a reality of this present age which is passing away.

Both the sacrament of Matrimony and virginity for the Kingdom of God come from the Lord himself.  It is he who gives them meaning and grants them the grace which is indispensable for living them out in conformity with his will.  Esteem of virginity for the sake of the kingdom and the Christian understanding of marriage are inseparable, and they reinforce each other.[6]

Matrimony and virginity are both sacramental in their value, and they both are acts of worship.  The one functions as a living representation of Christ’s relationship with the church, and the other “a powerful sign of the supremacy of the bond with Christ and of the ardent expectation of his return.”  We cannot set aright our conception of marriage in the church, and we cannot begin to move away from pagan conceptions of the culmination of human flourishing as manifest in “finding the one,” until we have reclaimed the essence of both marriage and singleness as valid lifestyles, each with a holy signification and function in the worship of the Body.

Finally, in relation to the third problem with the current response of the church to same-sex marriage, the solution is rather straightforward though simultaneously difficult.  Same-sex marriage, in several respects, is easily highjack-able, and has been high jacked, by the media.  Same-sex marriage is such a visible issue that it is hard for the church to avoid the temptation of getting wrapped up in contentious dialogue.  Nevertheless, the church must avoid this temptation, for in the presence of more prescient and immediately at hand issues, the church has failed in its response as per the distraction of the issue of whether the state should permit same-sex couples to enter into a particular sort of legal contract.  Where is the church’s unified response to the plight of the homeless, the widows, the orphans, the unborn, and all others who are helpless to help themselves?  Moreover, where is the church in the fight against the fundamental sin of human rebellion against God?  This latter question relates directly to the root cause of what we see manifested as sexual immorality, infidelity, debauchery, and all other mistaken desires.  One cannot hope to successfully deal with homosexuality without first tackling the deeper issue of idolatry.

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Much of the information in this post will likely strike either a chord or a nerve in those reading it.  It will either resonate with or rub up against certain people’s preconceived notions of marriage and the debate surrounding same-sex marriage.  However, here at the end of this exploration and pursuit of a deeper understanding of Christian marriage as a sacrament of worship separate from the pagan variety enforced by the state, we still have many questions.  But the point of this exposition has not been to answer every possible question, but to help Christians to view this issue in a new way in order to facilitate new sorts of questions and a new space for dialogue.  One thing, however, is certain:  as Christians pursue a Christian response to the treatment of marriage by the non-Christian world, we must do so with a Christ-like love that welcomes the imago dei  in the sinner while concurrently disavowing the fundamental rebellion of fallen humanity.





[1] Hays.  The Moral Vision of the New Testament.  388. 
[2] Ibid.  388.
[3] Hauerwas.  “Abortion, Theologically Understood.”  Lifewatch.  <http://www.lifewatch.org/abortion.html>
[4] Catechism of the Catholic Church.  Part II:  The Celebration of the Christian Mystery.  Section II:  The Seven Sacraments of the Church.  Chapter III:  The Sacraments at the Service of Communion.  Article VII:  The Sacrament of Matrimony.  <http://www.vatican.va/archive/ccc_css/archive/catechism/p2s2c3a7.htm>
[5] Hauerwas.  “Abortion, Theologically Understood.”  Lifewatch.  <http://www.lifewatch.org/abortion.html>

[6] Catechism of the Catholic Church.  Part II:  The Celebration of the Christian Mystery.  Section II:  The Seven Sacraments of the Church.  Chapter III:  The Sacraments at the Service of Communion.  Article VII:  The Sacrament of Matrimony.  <http://www.vatican.va/archive/ccc_css/archive/catechism/p2s2c3a7.htm>

Monday, January 19, 2015

Abortion: Getting Mired in the Wrong Language


Stanley Hauerwas, professor of theological ethics at Duke Divinity School, gave a lecture at the North Carolina Annual Conference of The United Methodist Church in 1990 entitled “Abortion, Theologically Understood.”[1]  In this lecture, Hauerwas discussed the issue of abortion in radical way that challenged those attending the conference to re-conceptualize the political and ethical debate surrounding abortion in the light of faith and the church.  So as to give full force to Hauerwas’s lecture, it seems appropriate to first provide the sermon that Hauerwas cited for his audience, which he then offered commentary upon.  The sermon was written by Presbyterian minister Reverend Terry Hamilton, who was a former student of Hauerwas’s.  In a manner similar to Hauerwas, I will first provide Hamilton’s sermon, after which we will consider in depth its implications.
The text for the sermon is Matthew 25:31-46.  I will be reading from the Revised Standard Version.  "When the Son of man comes in his glory, and all the angels with him, then he will sit on his glorious throne.  Before him will be gathered all the nations, and he will separate them one from another as a shepherd separates the sheep from the goats, and he will place the sheep at his right hand, but the goats at the left.  Then the King will say to those at his right hand, 'Come, O blessed of my Father, inherit the kingdom prepared for you from the foundation of the world; for I was hungry and you gave me food, I was thirsty and you gave me drink, I was a stranger and you welcomed me, I was naked and you clothed me, I was sick and you visited me, I was in prison and you came to me.'  Then the righteous will answer him, 'Lord, when did we see thee hungry and feed thee, or thirsty and give thee drink?  And when did we see thee a stranger and welcome thee, or naked and clothe thee?  And when did we see thee sick or in prison and visit thee?'  And the King will answer them, 'Truly, I say to you, as you did it to one of the least of these my brethren, you did it to me.'  Then he will say to those at his left hand, 'Depart from me, you cursed, into the eternal fire prepared for the devil and his angels; for I was hungry and you gave me no food, I was thirsty and you gave me no drink, I was a stranger and you did not welcome me, naked and you did not clothe me, sick and in prison and you did not visit me.'  Then they also will answer, 'Lord, when did we see thee hungry or thirsty or a stranger or naked or sick or in prison, and did not minister to thee?'  Then he will answer them, 'Truly, I say to you, as you did it not to one of the least of these, you did it not to me.'  And they will go away into eternal punishment, but the righteous into eternal life.'" 
As a Christian and a woman, I find abortion a most difficult subject to address.  Even so, I believe that it is essential that the church face the issue of abortion in a distinctly Christian manner.  Because of that, I am hereby addressing not society in general, but those of us who call ourselves Christians.  I also want to be clear that I am not addressing abortion as a legal issue.  I believe the issue, for the church, must be framed not around the banners of 'pro-choice' or 'pro-life,' but around God's call to care for the least among us whom Jesus calls his sisters and brothers. 
So, in this sermon, I will make three points.  The first point is that the Gospel favors women and children.  The second point is that the customary framing of the abortion issue by both pro-choice and pro-life groups is unbiblical because it assumes that the woman is ultimately responsible for both herself and for any child she might carry.  The third point is that a Christian response must reframe the issue to focus on responsibility rather than rights. 
Point number one:  the Gospel favors women and children.  The Gospel is feminist.  In Matthew, Mark, Luke, and John, Jesus treats women as thinking people who are worthy of respect.  This was not, of course, the usual attitude of that time.  In addition, it is to the women among Jesus' followers, not to the men, that he entrusts the initial proclamation of his resurrection.  It isn't only Jesus himself who sees the Gospel making all people equal, for Saint Paul wrote, 'There is neither Jew nor Greek, there is neither slave nor free, there is neither male nor female; for you are all one in Christ Jesus' (Galatians 3:28).
And yet, women have been oppressed through recorded history and continue to be oppressed today.  So when Jesus says, 'as you did it to one of the least of these my brethren, you did it to me' (Matthew 25:40), I have to believe that Jesus includes women among 'the least of these.'  Anything that helps women, therefore, helps Jesus.  When Jesus says, 'as you did it to one of the least of these my brethren, you did it to me,' he is also talking about children, because children are literally 'the least of these.'  Children lack the three things the world values most—power, wealth, and influence.  If we concern ourselves with people who are powerless, then children should obviously be at the top of our list.  The irony of the abortion debate, as it now stands in our church and society, is that it frames these two groups, women and children, as enemies of one another. 
This brings me to my second point:  the issue as it is generally framed by both pro-choice and pro-life groups is unbiblical because it assumes that the woman is ultimately responsible both for herself and for any child she might carry.  Why is it that women have abortions?  Women I know, and those I know about, have had abortions for two basic reasons:  the fear that they cannot handle the financial and physical demands of the child, and the fear that having the child will destroy relationships that are important to them. 
An example of the first fear, the inability to handle the child financially or physically, is the divorced mother of two children, the younger of whom has Down's syndrome.  This woman recently discovered that she was pregnant.  She believed abortion was wrong.  However, the father of the child would not commit himself to help raise this child, and she was afraid she could not handle raising another child on her own. 
An example of the second fear, the fear of destroying relationships, is the woman who became pregnant and was told by her husband that he would leave her if she did not have an abortion.  She did not want to lose her husband, so she had the abortion.  Later, her husband left her anyway. 
In both of these cases, and in others I have known, the woman has had an abortion not because she was exercising her free choice but because she felt she had no choice.  In each case the responsibility for caring for the child, had she had the child, would have rested squarely and solely on the woman. 
Which brings me to my third point:  the Christian response to abortion must reframe the issue to focus on responsibility rather than rights.  The pro-choice/pro-life debate presently pits the right of the mother to choose against the right of the fetus to live.  The Christian response, on the other hand, centers on the responsibility of the whole Christian community to care for 'the least of these.' 
According to the Presbyterian Church's Book of Order, when a person is baptized, the congregation answers this question:  'Do you, the members of this congregation, in the name of the whole Church of Christ, undertake the responsibility for the continued Christian nurture of this person, promising to be an example of the new life in Christ and to pray for him or her in this new life?'  We make this promise because we know that no adult belongs to himself or herself, and that no child belongs to his or her parents, but that every person is a child of God.  Because of that, every young one is our child, the church's child to care for.  This is not an option.  It is a responsibility. 
Let me tell you two stories about what it is like when the church takes this responsibility seriously.  The first is a story that Will Willimon, the Dean of Duke University Chapel, tells about a black church.  In this church, when a teen-ager has a baby that she cannot care for, the church baptizes the baby and gives him/her to an older couple in the church that has the time and wisdom to raise the child.  That way, says the pastor, the couple can raise the teen-age mother along with the baby.  'That,' the pastor says, 'is how we do it.' 
The second story involves something that happened to Deborah Campbell.  A member of her church, a divorced woman, became pregnant, and the father dropped out of the picture.  The woman decided to keep the child.  But as the pregnancy progressed and began to show, she became upset because she felt she could not go to church anymore.  After all, here she was, a Sunday School teacher, unmarried and pregnant.  So she called Deborah.  Deborah told her to come to church and sit in the pew with the Campbell family, and, no matter how the church reacted, the family would support her.  Well, the church rallied around when the woman's doctor told her at her six-month checkup that she owed him the remaining balance of fifteen hundred dollars by the next month; otherwise, he would not deliver the baby.  The church held a baby shower and raised the money.  When the time came for her to deliver, Deborah was her labor coach.  When the woman's mother refused to come and help after the baby was born, the church brought food and helped clean her house while she recovered from the birth.  Now the woman's little girl is the child of the parish. 
This is what the church looks like when it takes seriously its call to care for 'the least of these.'  These two churches differ in certain ways: one is Methodist, the other Roman Catholic; one has a carefully planned strategy for supporting women and babies, the other simply reacted spontaneously to a particular woman and her baby.  But in each case the church acted with creativity and compassion to live out the Gospel. 
In our scripture lesson today, Jesus gives a preview of the Last Judgment.  ' Then the King will say to those at his right hand, "Come, O blessed of my Father, inherit the kingdom prepared for you from the foundation of the world; for I was hungry and you gave me food, I was thirsty and you gave me drink, I was a stranger and you welcomed me, I was naked and you clothed me, I was sick and you visited me, I was in prison and you came to me."  Then the righteous will answer him, "Lord, when did we see thee hungry and feed thee, or thirsty and give thee drink?  And when did we see thee a stranger and welcome thee, or naked and clothe thee?  And when did we see thee sick or in prison and visit thee?"  And the King will answer them, "Truly, I say to you, as you did it to one of the least of these my brethren, you did it to me” (Matthew 25:34-40).  
We cannot simply throw the issue of abortion in the faces of women and say, 'You decide and you bear the consequences of your decision.'  As the church, our response to the abortion issue must be to shoulder the responsibility to care for women and children.  We cannot do otherwise and still be the church.  If we close our doors in the faces of women and children, then we close our doors in the face of Christ.[2]
It is uncommon to hear a sermon preached on a political issue, much less on an issue as inflammatory as abortion.  Hamilton’s words speak a refreshing word of truth in the debate surrounding abortion, which is a conflict steeped in polemical rhetoric by those, on the one hand, who call themselves “pro-life,” and those, on the other hand, who call themselves “pro-choice.”  In the face of this dichotomy, televised for us courtesy of the media, Hamilton offers us a new perspective.  In more ways than one, Hamilton’s sermon uproots both the pro-life and pro-choice proponents, because Hamilton argues that abortion is not fundamentally an issue of “rights,” as so many assume.  The issue, rather, is a question of “responsibility.”  More importantly, it is a question of responsibility to both the mother and the child.

It does indeed seem bazaar that, as the world has pitted the mother against the child in this debate, as if they were mortal enemies of one another, the church has participated, willingly in fact, with this absurdity.  Christ has called his church to care for the least among us, women and children included; he has not pitted the needy against one another that we should choose to help one and forsake the other.  Yet, in our society, we have managed to work ourselves through all sorts of complicated loops that permit us to make adversaries of foreign poor and native poor, women and fetuses, whites and non-whites.  The manner whereby society weaves a tale of dichotomies never ceases to astound.  The knot that we find ourselves in at the moment, the tangled mess we call a debate between “pro-lifers” and “pro-choicers,” must be unraveled, and Hauerwas offers us a good deal of help:
We must remember that the first question is not, "Is abortion right or wrong?," or, "Is this abortion right or wrong?"  Rather, the first question is,"Why do Christians call abortion abortion?"  And with the first question goes a second, "Why do Christians think that abortion is a morally problematic term?"  To call abortion by that name is already a moral achievement.  The reason why people are “Pro-choice” rather than “Pro-abortion” is that nobody really wants to be pro-abortion.  The use of choice rather than abortion is an attempt at a linguistic transformation that tries to avoid the reality of abortion, because most people do not want to use that description.  So, instead of abortion, another term is used, something like termination of pregnancy.  Now, the church can live more easily in a world with "terminated pregnancies," because in that world the church no longer claims power, even linguistic power, over that medically described part of life; instead, doctors do.[3]
And as Hauerwas notes a few paragraphs later:
You must remember that, morally speaking, the first issue is never what we are to do, but what we should see.  Here is the way it works:  you can only act in the world that you can see, and you must be taught to see by learning to say.  Again, you can only act in the world that you can see, and you must be taught to see by learning to say.  Therefore, using the language of abortion is one way of training ourselves as Christians to see and to practice its opposite—hospitality, and particularly hospitality to children and the vulnerable.  Therefore, abortion is a word that reminds us of how Christians are to speak about, to envision, and to live life—and that is to be a baptizing people which is ready to welcome new life into our communities.[4]
Christians must learn to live in a new world, with a new language.  According to Hauerwas, in this new world, parents are not just made biologically, but baptismally.  All adults, whether they have biological children of their own, whether they are married, or whether they are single, are parents for all children in the church via baptism into Christ.  Entrance into the Body of Christ remodels our world and reshapes our language.  Those whom we call family are not necessarily next of kin in a genetic sense.  To the contrary, every last member of God’s church is a close relative:  All the elderly are our grandparents, all the young adults are our parents, all our children are our sons and daughters, and all our contemporaries are our brothers and sisters.  The “nuclear” family is a misnomer in light of ecclesial allegiance.  The concept of leaving to begin a new family is a societal expectation that misdirects us from the act of coming to join an old family that has existed ever since God made a covenant with Abraham.

The church, however, does not seem to bear its responsibility to family values, true biblical family values, as it once did.  Hauerwas says he would read the following letter to students in a marriage course at Duke:
Our son had done well.  He had gone to good schools, had gone through the military, had gotten out, had looked like he had a very promising career ahead.  Unfortunately, he has joined some eastern religious sect.  Now he does not want to have anything to do with us because we are people of 'the world.'  He is never going to marry because now his true family is this funny group of people he associates with.  We are heartsick.  We don't know what to do about this.[5]
Most who hear this letter read aloud assume that this letter was written by parents whose son had joined some radical religious cult of eastern mysticism.  However, this letter was in fact written by a Roman senatorial family in the 300s AD regarding their son who had become a Christian.  And the concerns that these parents had were striking:  their son no longer associated with them, but had come to see his family as the church; their son forsook a successful career to follow Christ; their son refused to marry because his conception of family had become colored by his faith, a faith that upheld the Apostle Paul’s teaching that singleness is just as valid as, if not preferable to, marriage.  This Roman family’s son understood very clearly what Hauerwas has written contemporarily:
What it means to be the church is to be a group of people called out of the world, and back into the world, to embody the hope of the Kingdom of God.  Children are not necessary for the growth of the Kingdom, because the church can call the stranger into her midst.  That makes both singleness and marriage possible vocations.  If everybody has to marry, then marriage is a terrible burden.  But the church does not believe that everybody has to marry.  Even so, those who do not marry are also parents within the church, because the church is now the true family.  The church is a family into which children are brought and received.  It is only within that context that it makes sense for the church to say, "We are always ready to receive children. ."  The people of God know no enemy when it comes to children.[6]
*******

Yet, in the face of all this talk of family and accepting children, we have yet to contend, even briefly, with current arguments currently being waged in the “public” sphere.  It would behoove us, then, to consider a pro-choice argument that is among the most well-known and oft cited.  Judith Jarvis Thomson, who is a well-known voice in the abortion debate due to her philosophically powerful essay entitled "A Defense of Abortion," argues in a manner that is disturbingly compelling for the right of the mother to abort her child.[7]

Thomson’s pro-abortion argument hinges upon a reconsideration of the fifth premise in the following pro-life argument:  (1) the fetus is a person, (2) persons have a right to life, (3) therefore fetuses have a right to life, (4) a woman has the right to autonomy over her body, (5) the right to life always outweighs the right to bodily autonomy, (6) therefore the fetus may not be aborted. 

There are three primary circumstances wherein Thomson argues that premise (5) is invalid and thus that abortion ought to be considered a viable and acceptable option:  (1) abortion ought to be an acceptable option if the mother’s life is endangered by the pregnancy, (2) abortion also ought to be an acceptable option in the case of rape, (3) abortion further ought to be an acceptable option if, despite having taken the appropriate contraceptive measures, the woman in question becomes pregnant. 
Regarding (1), Thomson argues that “a woman surely can defend her life against the threat to it posed by the unborn child, even if doing so involves its death.”  Regarding (2), she argues that forcing a woman to endure a pregnancy that resulted from rape would mean that we are requiring her by law to be a “Good Samaritan.”  We are requiring her to go above and beyond her legal duties, which do not entail that she, or any citizen, must go out of her way to indiscriminately, or even discriminately, endure sacrifice for the sake of any other citizen.  While the law certainly does not force anyone to be a “Good Samaritan,” it further does not even dictate that anyone should be a “Minimally Decent Samaritan” either.  As Thomson argues, given the current nature of U.S. law, forcing women to endure an unwanted pregnancy would be tantamount to a “gross injustice” should those working towards making abortion unconstitutional not also be taking measures to have US law amended to force all citizens to be “Good Samaritans” in all situations generally.  Thomson’s argument for (3) runs similarly to that of (2).  If a woman has taken all necessary precautions to prevent pregnancy, it would be unconstitutional to force her to endure an unwanted pregnancy, even if consensual sex is what led to the pregnancy.

*******

As Christians, our response to Thomson’s pro-abortion argument need not entail a preoccupation with the language of “right to life” up and against the “right to bodily autonomy.”  We believe that life, and our bodies, are a gift from God; not things for which we have an arbitrary prerogative.  The notion that all human beings have a right to life is premised on the notion that all humans have a right to flee death.  As Christians, however, we have not been called to flee from death.  Rather, we are called to carry our cross and follow Christ.  Given that Christ’s cross led to his death, it seems only reasonable to assume that we too are marching toward our own death.  The Christian has no right to flee from death because the Christian has no “right to life.”  As Christ tells his disciples, “For whoever wishes to save his life will lose it, but whoever loses his life for My sake, he is the one who will save it.” (Luke 9:24).

Hauerwas asserts:
To say that life is an overriding good is to underwrite the modern sentimentality that there is absolutely nothing in this world worth dying for.  Christians know that Christianity is simply extended training in dying early.  That is what we have always been about.  Listen to the Gospel!  I know that today we use the church primarily as a means of safety, but life in the church actually involves extended training in learning to die early…
…Christians do not believe that life is a right or that we have inherent dignity.  Instead we believe that life is the gift of a gracious God.  That is our primary Christian language regarding abortion:  life is the gift of a gracious God.  As part of the giftedness of life, we believe that we ought to live in a profound awe of the other's existence, knowing in the other we find God.  So abortion is a description maintained by Christians to remind us of the kind of community we must be to sustain the practice of hospitality to life.  That is related to everything else that we do and believe.[8]

Though Thomson rightly indicates that there are no laws in this country that force anyone to be a “Good Samaritan,” we as Christians are subject to a different standard than that enforced by “civil society.”  In the Kingdom of God, each and all have been given the responsibility to live as “Good Samaritans.”  We especially have a responsibility to take care of the least among us.  The church is meant to be a self-giving, self-expending community; it is not meant to be an amalgam of isolated individuals who each have rights to life and autonomy.  The church must recognize that the national and state-level debate regarding abortion is spoken in the language used by Thomson:  the language, and thus the world, of rights, constitutionality, and law.  By the principles of this language, the standard anti-abortion position cannot, I think, maintain its ground for long.  Thomson’s argument is compelling, and, given the current nature of US law, her argument seems superior to the argument that abortion is unconstitutional. 

The church, however, does not have to concern itself with “constitutionality” or the infringement of “rights,” which supposedly belong to autonomous individuals.  Moreover, and perhaps more importantly, as indicates Hauerwas, the issue for the church has nothing to do with “when” life begins but rather the “hope that life has begun.”  The question of “when,” according to Hauerwas, is an issue for “legalists,” who incidentally enough must wrestle with the question of how to avoid doing something wrong.  This legalistic concern contrasts sharply with the decidedly Christian concern regarding how to do right.

*******

As we consider Hauerwas’s lecture on abortion, we must not fail to recognize an important element of his argument:  that the issue of abortion cannot be placed truly in the right context until we have moved away from making abortion a female issue only and have made it an issue of male promiscuity and responsibility as well.  In regard to teen pregnancy in particular, Hauerwas notes:
Until we speak clearly on male promiscuity, we will simply continue to make the problems of teen-age pregnancy and abortion female problems.  Males have to be put in their place.  There is no way we as a church can have an authentic voice without this clear witness.[9]
Compassion, too, is a notion that the church cannot fail to wrestle with.  Those who support pro-choice often do so in the name of “compassion” for the mother, but such a concern is based upon a misguided sense of what compassion really entails. 
Too often we assume compassion means preventing suffering and think that we ought to prevent suffering even if it means eliminating the sufferer.  In the abortion debate, the church's fundamental challenge is to challenge this ethics of compassion.  There is no more fundamental issue than that.  People who defend abortion defend it in the name of compassion.  "We do not want any unwanted children born into the world," they say.  But Christians are people who believe that any compassion that is not formed by the truthful worship of the true God cannot help but be accursed.  That is the fundamental challenge that Christians must make to this world.[10]
Concern for compassion, too, can lead to other sorts of misguided understandings of “want.”  Hauerwas indicates a common response from his students regarding the question:  Why have children?
[His students] would say, "We want to have children in order to make the world a better place."  And by that, they think that they ought to have a perfect child.  And then you get into the notion that you can have a child only if you have everything set—that is, if you are in a good "relationship," if you have your finances in good shape, the house, and so on.  As a result, of course, we absolutely destroy our children, so to speak, because we do not know how to appreciate their differences.
Now who knows what we could possibly want when we "want a child"?  The idea of want in that context is about as silly as the idea that we can marry the right person.  That just does not happen.  Wanting a child is particularly troubling as it finally results in a deep distrust of mentally and physically handicapped children.  The crucial question for us as Christians is what kind of people we need to be to be capable of welcoming children into this world, some of whom may be born disabled and even die.[11]

*******

When it comes to abortion, all manner of tangled knots have served to bind the Christian imagination.  Talk of “right to life” versus the “right to bodily autonomy,” talk of “compassion,” and talk of “want” are nothing but Red Herrings.  To truly respond to this issue, the church must re-conceptualize its world and language to the tune of ecclesial solidarity and, in the process, learn to separate itself from the world and language of “secular” society.  An appeal to Christian allegiances must necessarily guide Christians as they consider how to behave as members of the Christian polis in political space in response to abortion.






[1] Hauerwas.  “Abortion, Theologically Understood.”  Lifewatch.  <http://www.lifewatch.org/abortion.html>
[2] Hamilton qtd. in Ibid.
[3] Ibid.
[4] Ibid.
[5] Ibid.
[6] Ibid.
[7] From Philosophy & Public Affairs, Vol. 1, no. 1 (Fall 1971).  (Reprinted in "Intervention and Reflection: Basic Issues in Medical Ethics," 5th ed., ed. Ronald Munson (Belmont; Wadsworth 1996). pp 69-80.)
[8] Ibid.
[9] Ibid.
[10] Ibid.
[11] Ibid.

Worship in the Cult of the Emperor: The Modern Slavery to the State


“From one man he made all the nations, that they should inhabit the whole earth; and he marked out their appointed times in history and the boundaries of their lands.” – Acts 17:26

“Does the ax raise itself above the person who swings it,                                 
          or the saw boast against the one who uses it?                              
As if a rod were to wield the person who lifts it up,                                
          or a club brandish the one who is not wood!” – Isaiah 10:15

*******

An appeal to, what Michael L. Budde calls “ecclesial solidarity” seems like much more than a good idea in today’s socio-political landscape wherein people, in one way or another, vote on a daily basis for various businesses and people, projects and ideologies.  More than a “good idea,” a consideration of ecclesial solidarity is a requirement, for in the words of Shane Claiborn and Chris Haw:  “We vote every day with our feet, our hands, our lips, and our wallets.”[1]  Budde defines ecclesial solidarity as “the conviction that ‘being a Christian’ is one’s primary and formative loyalty, the one that contextualizes and defines the legitimacy of other claimants on allegiance and conscience.”[2]  Our primary and formative convictions, whether our hearts lie with the nation-state, the welfare-state, the “free” market, the church, or any other claimant on our allegiance, affect the way we live in more ways than we possibly can imagine.  For this reason, an examination of the claimants on our allegiance demands a careful consideration on our part, on the Christian’s part, regarding the identity of these would-be claimants and whether they have any truly legitimate prerogative to demand of Christians the highest measure of loyalty and devotion.

*******

In the sea of loyalty-seeking entities, American exceptionalism—on the one hand with roots in the Judeo-Christian narrative, and on the other hand with roots in the Enlightenment—has had a powerful effect on the way that Americans, Christian or otherwise, have contextualized their loyalty.  Of these two roots of American exceptionalism, William T. Cavanaugh notes:
The first [the Judeo-Christian narrative] explicitly appeals to Christian theological concepts such as the election of Israel and God’s providence.  The second appeals to Enlightenment language concerning the universal applicability of the American value of freedom.  The two would appear to be at odds:  the one appeals to a nation under the Christian God, the other to the freedom to have one God, none, or many.[3]
Despite the apparent contradiction between the Judeo-Christian and Enlightenment roots of American exceptionalism, Cavanaugh asserts that these differences in starting point and language lead to the same destination:  the divination of the state, which results from “a direct, unmediated relationship” between the state and one of the two “transcendent realities”—the one being God; the other being “freedom.”[4]

Cavanaugh suggests, well enough in his own words, regarding theological exceptionalism, that:
In its original form, American exceptionalism is an explicitly theological notion, based in the doctrine of election.  Just as God chose the Israelites to accomplish God’s special purposes on earth, so God has chosen the United States.  The promise to make Abraham a “great nation” includes the promise of a new land (Gen. 12:1-2).  The doctrine of election is based in the notion of God’s choice of a particular people at a particular moment in history, but it also contains a strong element of universalism.  Abraham is promised blessings not only for his own people; his people would, in turn, become a blessing for the whole earth (Gen. 12:3).  There is a strongly universalizing missionary impulse at the heart of the doctrine of election.  Salvation is not just for the Jews, but through the Jews, for the sake of the whole world.[5]
Cavanaugh goes on to argue that the doctrine of election gave Christians impetus to see the church as a fulfillment of God’s promise.  Thus, in the minds of New Testament exegetists, the church had assumed the role of Israel.  This notion was maintained until, in the mid part of the last millennium, nation-states, in the modern sense, began to emerge from the patchwork allegiances of medieval feudalism.  In the new age of modernity that emerged from medievalism, England, then the Puritan colonists of America, followed ultimately by the United States, each in turn, assumed—or at least presumed to assume—the role of God’s elected people who lived in Abrahamic covenant with God.[6]

In both the English and the Puritan perspective, God’s elect were to be ruled by some variety of theocracy.  State and church were to be closely knit.  However, the First Amendment of the U.S. Constitution put an end to any notion of theocracy.  According to Cavanaugh:
[W]ith the shift from Puritan theocracy to the disestablishment of the church in the First Amendment, the theme of the new Israel became an important one in nascent American nationalism.  The relationship between God and America was increasingly direct.  The church came to mediate, not between God and America [as it had mediated between God and the civil authorities in Puritan theocracy], but between the individual and God and between the individual and America.  The new Israel was identified not with any church or churches in their manifold diversity, but with America as such.[7]
Of little surprise is the fact that this understanding of America—that it was the new Israel—led to, among many beliefs regarding American exceptionalism, the development of Manifest Destiny.  As stated Herman Melville, with borderline religious intensity about the exceptional nature of the United States’ Manifest Destiny in world history:
Long enough have we been skeptics with regard to ourselves, and doubted whether, indeed, the political Messiah had come.  But he has come in us, if we would but give utterance to his promptings.  And let us always remember that with ourselves, almost for the first time in the history of the earth, national selfishness is unbounded philanthropy; for we cannot do a good to America, but we give alms to the world.[8]
Cavanaugh keenly observes, with regard to Melville’s words, that “Here we see a shift from a nation under God to a nation as God’s incarnation on earth, the nation as Messiah.”  Such an understanding allowed for the justification of “wed[ing] biblical notions of providence to the progress of the world toward American-style democracy and free-market capitalism.”[9]

*******

In today’s America, we have effectively divinized the state.  The state and government authority serve as the primary means whereby any and all acts of justice and power lie.  The state god, which is the state itself, has established itself in place of Christ on the proverbial “alter” of public worship.  Nevertheless, many American Christians go along with the act as if nothing is out of place.  The unique distinction that our society makes between “private” and “public” spheres of influence has served to domesticate Christian loyalties by getting it within our minds that one, despite Jesus’ claims to the contrary, can indeed serve God and mammon.  Though in public one must ally with Caesar, in private one may ally with Christ.  But, as Christ says: 
No servant can serve two masters; for either he will hate the one and love the other, or else he will be devoted to one and despise the other. You cannot serve God and wealth (Luke 16:13). 
Nor can you serve God and Caesar, for the loyalty demanded from Christ is all subsuming:
If anyone comes to me and does not hate father and mother, wife and children, brothers and sisters—yes, even their own life—such a person cannot be my disciple.  And whoever does not carry their cross and follow me cannot be my disciple (Luke 14:26-27). 
Does it make sense to assert that the act of forsaking family does not include also forsaking government authority, or, for that matter, any other authority but Christ?  No.  Any allegiance outside of allegiance to Christ pales comparatively.

But what then of Jesus’ response to the Pharisees regarding the imperial tax to Caesar?
Later they sent some of the Pharisees and Herodians to Jesus to catch him in his words.  They came to him and said, “Teacher, we know that you are a man of integrity.  You aren’t swayed by others, because you pay no attention to who they are; but you teach the way of God in accordance with the truth.  Is it right to pay the imperial tax to Caesar or not?  Should we pay or shouldn’t we?”
But Jesus knew their hypocrisy.  “Why are you trying to trap me?” he asked.  “Bring me a denarius and let me look at it.”  They brought the coin, and he asked them, “Whose image is this?  And whose inscription?”
“Caesar’s,” they replied.

Then Jesus said to them, “Give back to Caesar what is Caesar’s and to God what is God’s.”

And they were amazed at him (Matthew 12:13-17).

Though many find in this pericope validation for state authority, they fail to take note of the fact that there is nothing of Caesar’s that God does not have greater claim to.  This is what is so amazing about Jesus’ response.  Though His answer does not straightaway subvert government authority, it concurrently and profoundly critiques government authority.  Does government truly have claim to our money where God does not?  Does government truly have claim to our allegiance where God does not?  These are the unspoken questions uttered by Jesus in the presence of the Pharisees and Herodians.

*******

The question of whom or what is owed our loyalty as Christians should have a straightforward answer:  Christ.  Nevertheless, many Christians seem to struggle reconciling giving unto Caesar what is Caesar’s and giving to God what is God’s.  As it is, many end up giving Caesar everything, or at least most everything, while they, at the same time, give God only some spare moments of private devotion.  Clairborne and Haw offer a clearer depth to the state of the diagnosis:
We are seeing more and more that the church has fallen in love with the state and that this love affair is killing the church’s imagination.  The powerful benefits and temptations of running the world’s largest superpower have bent the church’s identity.  Having power at its fingertips, the church often finds “guiding the course of history” a more alluring goal than following the crucified Christ.  Too often the patriotic values of pride and strength triumph over the spiritual values of humility, gentleness, and sacrificial love.[10]
With regard to allegiances, voting in local, state, and federal elections should not go unnoticed for its formative effects on our imagination as well.  As Ted Lewis notes:
Voting for political leaders, whether we think about it not, establishes bonds between people and governments in similar ways that religion establishes bonds between peoples and deities…[S]uch bonds of allegiance do not fit within the new vision of community set forth in the New Testament.  On the positive side, this new vision suggests that our choosing, binding, promising, pledging, and vowing energies are to be expressed for the sake of the ekklesia, the “called-out” community, and are not to be expressed for the upbuilding of a state, nation, or empire.[11]
*******

As Christians, we should always take heed of our political surroundings.  Who seeks our vote?  Who demands our allegiance?  Who wants our money?  From the perspective of the Christian narrative, God is owed all loyalty, all service, and all wealth, and the body politic of God is the Heavenly Kingdom on Earth, the church, the Body of Christ.  Though the church has been engrafted into the inheritance of Abraham, though the church is in covenant with God, the state is not.  So, when we consider the state, we should not mistake it for the New Israel, as so many Americans (Christian and otherwise) seem so want to do.  The church is God’s chosen people, his people who have been called out from the nations in order to form a new nation, a new people, a new ethnicity, a new family wherein every member is a relative, a neighbor, and a friend.  Meanwhile, the U.S. may be likened to Assyria in Isaiah 10, which is the “axe,” the “saw”, the “rod,” and “club” of God’s justice and will in the world.  And though we presume that the enactors of God’s will are not simultaneously being prepared for His wrath, America, like all nations, rulers, and principalities established by God, and like Assyria in Isaiah 10, is a tool of God’s will that, because of its haughtiness and pride, God is simultaneously preparing for judgment.

Christians are not to see themselves in terms of nationalistic citizenship.  God has called us out of the world into His eternal Kingdom.  Upon our baptism, we become citizens anew, by birth, of the Kingdom of God, and this kingdom does not allow for dual citizenship.  When you become a Christian you become a “resident alien” of the nation in which you find yourself.  As is noted in the Letter to Diognetus:
For the Christians are distinguished from other men neither by country, nor language, nor the customs which they observe.  For they neither inhabit cities of their own, nor employ a peculiar form of speech, nor lead a life which is marked out by any singularity.  The course of conduct which they follow has not been devised by any speculation or deliberation of inquisitive men; nor do they, like some, proclaim themselves the advocates of any merely human doctrines.  But, inhabiting Greek as well as barbarian cities, according as the lot of each of them has determined, and following the customs of the natives in respect to clothing, food, and the rest of their ordinary conduct, they display to us their wonderful and confessedly striking method of life.  They dwell in their own countries, but simply as sojourners.  As citizens, they share in all things with others, and yet endure all things as if foreigners.  Every foreign land is to them as their native country, and every land of their birth as a land of strangers.  They marry, as do all [others]; they beget children; but they do not destroy their offspring.  They have a common table, but not a common bed.  They are in the flesh, but they do not live after the flesh.  They pass their days on earth, but they are citizens of heaven.  They obey the prescribed laws, and at the same time surpass the laws by their lives.  They love all men, and are persecuted by all.  They are unknown and condemned; they are put to death, and restored to life.  They are poor, yet make many rich; they are in lack of all things, and yet abound in all; they are dishonoured, and yet in their very dishonour are glorified.  They are evil spoken of, and yet are justified; they are reviled, and bless; they are insulted, and repay the insult with honour; they do good, yet are punished as evil-doers.  When punished, they rejoice as if quickened into life; they are assailed by the Jews as foreigners, and are persecuted by the Greeks; yet those who hate them are unable to assign any reason for their hatred.[12]
Let us live as Christians, then, and not as this world would have us live.  Let us view our world through the lens of ecclesial solidarity and so put all other claimants of our allegiance in their proper place



[1] Claiborn and Haw.  Jesus for President.  334.
[2] Budde.  The Borders of Baptism.  3.
[3] Cavanaugh, William T.  Migrations of the Holy:  God, State, and the Political Meaning of the Church.  89. 
[4] Ibid.  89.
[5] Ibid.  89.
[6] Ibid.  89-91. 
[7] Ibid.  91.
[8] Melville, Herman.  White Jacket, or, the World in a Man-of-War.  150-151.
[9] Cavanaugh, William T.  Migrations of the Holy.  92.
[10] Clairborne and Haw.  Jesus for President.  17.
[11] Lewis.  Electing Not to Vote.  101.
[12] Letter to Diognetus.  Chapter 5.